The sit-in, a cornerstone of non-violent protest, holds a profound legacy in social movements. Born out of the U.S. civil rights struggle, it was first used by Black Americans defying segregation laws that banned them from sitting in “whites-only” public spaces—restaurants, cinemas, and buses. Rosa Parks' historic refusal to surrender her bus seat in 1955 ignited the broader sit-in movement, championed by Martin Luther King Jr. Protesters, inspired by Gandhi's principles, would sit in defiance, waiting for the inevitable police response, not resisting arrest but remaining firmly in place. This form of peaceful protest spread globally, symbolising the fight for justice—from 800 students arrested at Berkeley in 1964 to environmental and social justice movements worldwide.
Today, in Italy, this powerful form of dissent is at risk of being silenced. With the introduction of the new security decree, Italy is on the verge of a dangerous authoritarian shift, as highlighted by the OSCE, which warns that this law could undermine fundamental principles of criminal law and the rule of law.
The stakes are high: 24 new offences have been introduced, and the primary targets are those who have long been at the forefront of the fight for a better future—young people, migrants, students, and workers. Movements fighting for climate justice, human rights, and dignity in the workplace now find themselves squarely in the crosshairs of this decree.
What was once a legitimate form of peaceful dissent—such as a simple sit-in or a peaceful march—now risks being labelled a criminal act. Blocking a road or railway, even as a means of protesting against social injustice or environmental destruction, could now land you in prison for up to two years. Violence is no longer the benchmark for criminalisation; dissent itself has become a target.
The mere act of protesting peacefully is enough to incur severe and disproportionate penalties.
The decree also imposes harsher punishments for anyone causing damage during a protest. If property is damaged, individuals could face up to five years in prison, and if people are harmed, sentences become even more severe. This means that student protests—those occupying schools and universities to demand fairer educational policies—are now potential criminal acts, as are workers’ demonstrations advocating for better conditions.
Even passive resistance, the hallmark of non-violent protest, is redefined as a crime. The penalties, such as up to 20 years in prison for protests in migrant detention centres (CPRs) or prisons, blatantly violate principles enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights. Strikes and protests defending jobs or resisting corporate closures will be smothered under this law. Those fighting for climate justice or opposing environmentally destructive projects are now treated as criminals.
Furthermore, the blatant discrimination towards migrants cannot be ignored. The introduction of a ban on possessing a SIM card without a valid residency permit is not only absurd but a glaring example of institutionalised racism. It deprives the most vulnerable of a basic right to communication, further marginalising those already at the fringes of society.
The decree also strikes at the heart of workers' rights. Blocking roads or striking to protest against layoffs or factory closures could now result in imprisonment. Workers, already struggling amidst economic crises, are treated as criminals for defending their dignity. The penalties are egregious and disproportionate, clearly intended to stifle any form of resistance.
The OSCE has issued a stark warning: this decree does not simply deter criminal behaviour—it explicitly aims to suppress the exercise of fundamental rights. Italy risks becoming a country where peaceful protest is rendered impossible, where democracy is shackled by the weight of legal repression. As social unrest grows, and young people fight for a fairer and more just future, the government responds with repression, extinguishing hope with the heavy hand of the law.
Z.Liew
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